It is not even a Malaysian version of democracy per se but purely and totally - it is UMNO’s own version of democracy. And sad to say, Prime Minister Najib Razak's party knows little about the subject, hence the great controversies and boorish clownishness.
What UMNO has done to “democracy” is not to practice it but to institutionalize the facades of democracy, including regular multiparty elections to give the appearance of being a democratic country. These multiparty elections have never been free or fair, resulting in the formation of an authoritarian government.
Many people - within and outside Malaysia - may take these democratic facades for real. Many others, however, do not. More than anyone, the Opposition parties and candidates here who have suffered the worst consequences of the cheating know very well that the present government is only playing a game and not practicing legitimate democracy or democratic elections.
A new era of adversity where courage must be the first quality
It is time to call a spade a spade. It is time for those in the Opposition who say 'but what can we do' to stand aside and make way for people with stronger gumption. For example, you may have been brave in the past and went to jail for so and so, but are you brave anymore - NOW? Or has your gut grown thick and fat like those in the UMNO-BN?
Such a question may seem rude, but it is a very legitimate one for Malaysian voters to ask. As we often slam the Umno-BN, perhaps it is now timely to cast the spotlight on the Pakatan and what does it have to offer Malaysians in the face of a rabid Umno-BN, even more arrogant and dangerous now that it has 'won' another 5 years in power.
Boils must be pricked and pus must be expelled otherwise gains made in the past few years will be lost and we become like the past generations - silent because we were afraid when we came face to face with 'danger'!
Old dogs and new tricks
Lim Kit Siang, Karpal Singh and Hadi Awang are towering figures in the Opposition and have been so for decades. With all due respect, when it comes to broken electoral promises, surely these three would have to account for the most number since they have never been able to wrest the federal government and thereby implement their dreams and visions for the people. Looking at the situation objectively, theirs is actually a pretty horrendous track record. 30, 40 or perhaps even 50 years of not being able to realize their goal. Why should Malaysians, if they seriously want change, continue to choose these leaders then? These guys could not do it after so many decades, and the chances are, unless they revamp their mindset, Malaysia will continue to be governed by the Umno-BN.
Do Malaysians really want 'Ubah'? If so, they had better stop wearing rose-tinted glasses and confront the fact that some of their revered leaders have in actual fact never managed to perform at all. The question begs - did Umno-BN rule Malaysia since 1957 because they were strong or because the Opposition until 2008 was weak? Malaysians must pick winners, if change is truly what they want. Of course, this is not easy and we could jump from the frying pan into the fire. But we still move - whether forward or backward, there is still motion. Life and strength still flow in our veins and limbs, and with a bit more courage, we can get to our goal. The worse option is to stay comatose, trapped in loss, stuck in defeat.
Pakatan has to continue playing the game but they have to change their game plan. Otherwise, it is tantamount to allowing themselves to be cheated over and over again. And that is a mark of insanity.
It is also a mark of cowardice and bad faith with voters who supported Pakatan because they wanted a change in government. What would help and are really needed most are fresh ideas to be get the county moving forward and not round and round in circles.
The drastic responses from Opposition Leader Anwar Ibrahim and the Pakatan Rakyat in the immediate aftermath of the recently-concluded 13th general election marks the start of an era to break the impasse and shatter once and for all Umno's dominance. This is a tack that Pakatan leaders must hammer through and ferociously!
Right direction but not yet there
For the first time in Malaysia's history, the Opposition had dared to say no. Anwar and Pakatan voiced their rejection of the election results. They mobilized their followers to protest the fraudulent electoral process and its outcomes via the Black 505 rallies. But have Anwar and Pakatan succeeded?
So far, the desired outcome of their actions has not materialized but they must not give up. Umno-BN has still formed the government. On the first day of new Parliament session, Umno-BN continued to cheat with the election of the Speaker. Prime Minister Najib Razak made a laughing stock of himself by forcing his own reps to sign a so-called secret ballot so that all would toe the line and vote a controversial toady back into office.
It was also ironic that as the re-elected Speaker was pompously calling for 'change' in his acceptance speech, 32 youth activists were roughed up and arrested by the police just outside Parliament. In other words, nothing has changed. Democracy has not deepened or widened. It may have shrunk even further following GE13.
Meanwhile, the Black 505 rallies seem to have lost steam despite clear evidence of public support. No doubt, the crowds are no longer so large but obviously, if you have attended one or two such 'ceramahs', you won't want to go again unless there are new issues or speeches to hear. So the right medicine is not to dump the rallies but to ask, what new strategies can we apply to keep the public interest intact? Actually, if the crowd size tapers down to sustainable levels, that's fine because there may be another 5 years to go before the next general election, so don't throw away this powerful and precious early momentum.
Also, has there been enough 'outreach' to all the towns in the country yet? Who is really losing interest here - the Pakatan leaders or the people? Who is feeling the fatigue? Why are there no efforts to galvanize public interest with new issues? Why zero search for new tacks to keep the flame burning? Also, why are only PKR and PAS involved and not DAP?
Does 'Ubah' stop with GE13 campaigning? What happens at GE14?
In the May 5 general election, DAP won the most seats with 38 versus PKR's 30 and PAS' 21. Most of their wins also came with thumping majorities. But is DAP really so strong? They should not forget that most of their wins came from Chinese-dominated seats which they insisted on and exerted enormous pressure on PKR and PAS to yield to their candidates. The fact is the Chinese are already pro-Opposition and there is no need to 'convert' their thinking. Maybe this is also why DAP leaders are reluctant to take risks and get nabbed for attending the Black 505 rallies. Instead some have even behaved like their Umno counterparts and actively contributed to the scaremongering over the event.
Let's not forget that it is what the voters want that counts, not the DAP, PAS or PKR leadership. The Chinese ardently want change and if they don't get this from DAP and Pakatan, they will look else where. So scrap the hype and thanksgiving rhetoric. The core electoral promise has already been broken. And to make it worse, it looks like the DAP leaders have no intention to stick their necks out to stop a repeat electoral robbery. It seems they just want to have their 5 years of being a Member of Parliament or state assembly-person. They want to stick to the safe and narrow path, immerse themselves in rhetoric but without carrying the burden of output. If this is so, at GE14, why should Malaysian Chinese vote for them again? They might as well stick with the mousy, greedy and selfish MCA. As for the Malays, it is odd but DAP is to most of them what Umno is to the non-Malays - something that the Pakatan leaders should take note of.
Pulling wool over the people's eyes: Fighters needed in the Opposition ring
It also seems like Pakatan may be experiencing a dose of 'over success' among its ranks. It is obvious that the pretty boy and girls of the Opposition, and a good example of these are in the DAP, seem to care more about the frills and fuss of being in Parliament, no? They certainly seem to hanker for the high government posts, the power-dressing that befits their double-barelled qualifications, the chauffeur-driven cars and plush-carpeted corridors of power.
Of course, there is nothing wrong with that. Just don't do it in the political space - especially that which belongs to the Opposition. In the Opposition ring - particularly in a semi-dictatorship like Malaysia -fighters are needed. Really tough ones. So like their counterparts in the MCA, DAP boys and girls should move on to the corporate scene where they can make more money although they won't enjoy so much fame. But stop wasting the precious 5-year mandates of the people. Do not repeat the non-achievement of the elder leaders and keep Malaysia forever floundering in Umno's ever-increasingly vicious cycle.
The acid test is simple. There is nothing hazy about this. For example, what is the point of raising motion after motion on the haze? What real or concrete result can Teo Nie Chieng or her rival Wee Ka Siong from MCA achieve here other than a fleeting puff for themselves? Face it, even Singapore strongman Lee Hsien Loong and his dad Lee Kuan Yew are powerless to reduce the haze in their precious republic.
Malaysian Opposition leaders should be honest and ask themselves - do the people want them to keep pointing out corruption case after corruption case, one cheating scam after another, haze year in and year out but at the end of the day be the same powerless people unable to make a real or concrete difference? We see Pakatan leaders at risk of failing in their primary duty, we believe they may lose sight of the main goal because of their desire for the fluff, and a good example is Bakri MP Er Teck Hwa who was apparently so terrified of being left out from Parliament that he broke party line to attend a briefing that was boycotted by the rest of the Opposition.
Really, what is the point of being in the fight if the Opposition is only making the motions of trying to win the federal government. Just yesterday Pakatan could not even stop Najib from cheating again in the secret ballot for the Speaker. And yet some of the Pakatan MPs have brazenly and a tad arrogantly declared their 'priority' to 'solve' the issue of the haze and to 'combat' the even more complex matter of corruption!
Seems to us that all the Umno-BN needs to do is to just threaten arrests, label an issue or event illegal and that's the last you see of some of these so-called "brave but at the same time kiasu" leaders from the Opposition! We say why should Malaysians vote for 'kiasu' leaders at all - be they from the Pakatan or the BN?
Round and round in circles
It takes a lot to be called a hero but what Malaysians need and deserve are heroes in their Opposition. This is the sad fact of politics. So do wake up, Pakatan. Also, wake up Malaysian voters. There is no doubt the so-called drastic responses that Anwar had tried to initiate are vital.
To stay relevant, some in the Pakatan - and they know who they are - must look at new strategies and stop the hot gas and rhetoric to mask their sheer political cowardice - no one is fooled! Look in the mirror and stop tricking themselves and the people. All Tony Puas in this world could never stop the corruption in KLIA2 or in the ministry of defense if they continue to keep their heads buried in the sand!
Instead, the cheating and corruption only increases because as Tony and his Pakatan colleagues including Rafizi Ramli holler out the Umno-BN's worst secrets, it is not in the least bit scared! Umno-BN leaders don't care at all because they know - as proven in the past 5 years - that Pakatan can blow the whistle as much as they like but they can't do anything more than that. So who wins then, and who loses? The answer is pretty obvious - Umno-BN gets the illicit cash, Pakatan gets the publicity, the people lose.
Really, the time has come to stop being 'clever children'. Political prodigies are a waste of time. Malaysia is near bankruptcy and no one has time for 'smart-alec' stories that yield no concrete results in the end.
So what can Pakatan do?
Pakatan will have to go back to basics and try to learn from the examples of other countries that managed to shake off the shackles of political dictatorships.
Let's have a quick look at just one. Let's go to South America and take a look at Brazil where the citizens have marched on the streets, blocked roads and halted traffic in more than a half-dozen cities, including Sao Paulo, Rio de Janeiro, Belo Horizonte and Brasilia, as well as swarming past the Congress and Presidential Palace because of a hike in transport fares from 3.00 to 3.20.
We highlight this example because like in Malaysia, the ruling politicians in Brazil only defend their own interests, wasting public funds and unlawfully enriching themselves while the various law enforcement officials are known to be equally as corrupt. However, the economy is active. Money is easy to earn and the ordinary people there can still manage to get a small slice of the economic pie. Hence, it is easy to close an eye on the new government which had inherited the sound economy from ex-President Lula. But the new government, like Najib's, has failed to sustain real or developmental growth and has to keep on spending without having priorities in order to hide the truth from the people.
If the Brazil protests were just about transport fares, few would be taking notice. But the fare increase was merely the last straw –there were so many issues that had outraged the Brazilians. Ultimately, it all boils down to “their dissatisfaction and total disbelief in politicians.” This was why the protest became so massive - enough to pressure a real solution, if not a complete change in government.
Sense of urgency vital
Street protests are not the only way. Sometimes, street demos are counter-productive because they make the ruling regime more authoritarian, resolute, vigilant and inventive in maintaining the status quo. Unless massive enough, street demonstrations are seldom enough to constitute a serious threat to the regime's survival.
At the moment, the Black 505 peaceful gatherings are not a threat and cannot spark any immediate governmental changes. But they sure make a helluva statement. And with the right approach and development, Black 505 can be used to harness enormous public support plus an all-important sense of urgency that is still sorely lacking despite Malaysia being in a really precarious position - socially, democratically and economically.
The lesson to take home from the Brazilian example is that the focus of their protests was on "collective grievances”, not just about transport fares. For the Black 505 gatherings here, the focus was on the “common grievances” suffered by voters due to the lack electoral reforms and the frauds perpetrated during the election. The scope of Black 505 can easily be expanded because the chest of wrongdoings of the UMNO-BN is too deep and way too wide.
And another key point is that the Black 505 must retain its core feature of being a peaceful gathering. Given the amiable nature of the Malaysian people plus the good track of the rallies held so far, this should not be beyond the organizers.
Mass civil pressure exerted peacefully, with dignity and regularly can achieve dramatic results. There is no need for the violence of the Arab uprisings to bring about change here. All it takes is for Malaysians to keep repeating their demands to the government in a very VISIBLE way - stop the nonsense. Enough is enough!
How to fight a 'law unto itself'
In Malaysia, where Umno is dominant, it is almost impossible to change the government through the ballot box because of the past gerrymandering by unscrupulous people including Mahathir Mohamad and even Abdullah Badawi.
However, the Umno legacy of “collective grievances” inflicted onto the rest of the country may in the end be its own undoing. This is the crucial common denominator that unites 51% of Malaysians against them.
The second tie is the social media network that helped to communicate down the line the latest developments and happenings in the Opposition, uniting it with the people of the county and the rest of the world.
Without freedom of speech and a free press, the Umno-BN government could take any action or make any laws it wants unobserved by its own people and the outside world.
It is ironic that in GE13, Pakatan has won 7 more seats and taken 51% of the popular vote while Umno-BN has slid further. Yet over the next 5 years, the going will be tougher for Pakatan than for Umno-BN.
The call is very clear for greater courage from the Pakatan. It not yet time for it to rest on its laurels and to 'enjoy' the fruits of its hard work yet. Otherwise, Malaysians voters will dump Pakatan in GE14 for not doing enough to fulfill their primary request - which is to take over the federal government and make real, broad-based, structural reforms to save this country.
The test before the Pakatan MPs as they doll themselves up to take their oaths at Parliament is far greater than for Umno-BN, which by now is practically a law unto itself and therefore lawless. Umno leaders have managed to get away scot-free despite all the outrageous tricks and stunts they pulled the past 5 years.
So Pakatan MPs, especially the 'boys and girls', please get savvy and learn 'guerrilla warfare' real fast because you will now be fighting a completely lawless and amoral entity.
Malaysia Chronicle
Wednesday, June 26, 2013
Can Umno's 'over-dominance' be broken?
About sabahdaily
Losing Malay Support and Leadership, 1957-1974
ReplyDeleteWith independence of Malaya, Tunku Abdul Rahman became the first Prime Minister of Malaya. However, independence and new constitution could not solve ethnic problem in Malaya Peninsular. Especially, the Malay, who had supported UMNO fully from the start, began to question about UMNO’s achievement for more than past 10 years. Let alone other ethnic group’s discontent, the Malays were still poorer than other ethnic groups in allegedly its own land. In fact, the Malays were poorest among main three ethnic groups, namely Malays, Chinese and Indians. In 1959 election, this discontent of the Malays were expressed in sharp decrease of UMNO’s votes. Although, during the first half of 1960s, because of so-called ‘Konfrontasi’ with Indonesia, the UMNO could gain some political mileage, there were clear expressions of disappointment and challenges to the leadership in and outside of the party from the middle of 1960s. From the early 1960s, Abdul Aziz Ishak, Jaafar Albar, Nasir Ismail, who were dubbed as Malay Ultras later, charged Tunku Abdul Rahman of being too soft to other ethnic groups. In this rising ethnic tension and other small-scale clashes between ethnic groups, Malaysia has held general election in 1969.
This election became a watershed of Malaysian and UMNO politics. UMNO not only has witnessed sharp decrease of support vote, but also has lost a few local governments to opposition parties, mainly Chinese party like DAP, and Gerakan. During election victory celebration parade of the Chinese parties, ethnic tension ran high and finally ethnic riot broke out. While coping with the ethnic riot, UMNO has plagued by another severe inside challenge from young politician, Mahathir bin Mohamed who requested resignation of Tunku Abdul Rahman, accusing him of being feudal and ignorant Malays’ difficult situation. In spite, some of so-called young ultras of UMNO like Mahathir and Musa Hitam were expelled from the party, it was hard to recover Tunku’s leadership again. To restore public order, the government has announced emergency rule all over the Malay peninsular and replaced Parliament and government with National Operation Council, in which then deputy Prime Minister, Tun Abdul Razak, had powerful voice. In fact, from the start of NOC, Tunku Abdul Rahman has been sidelined.
After a few year of emergency rule, the Parliament and government fully restored. Meanwhile, Tun Abdul Razak has replaced Tunku Abdul Rahman as Prime Minister. Means named this new political situation as the second generation of Malaysian Politics. Newly inaugurated Tun Abdul Razak tried to expand Alliance system to encompass opposition parties, thus fortifying ruling coalition and achieving majority power in parliament. The current Barisan Nasional coalition is the result of this plan. By his initiative, some opposition parties such as Gerakan, PPP and notable PAS have been included in Barisan Nasional coalition as well as some parties in East Malaysia, Sabah and Sarawak . What is more important in his policy initiative is New Economic Policy. This new policy was intending to achieve two objects; eradication of poverty regardless of ethnic groups and eliminating ethnic identification of economic role, namely economic restructuring. In fact, the main purpose of this policy was to enhance Malays’ economic power by affirmative action by government. Important change in UMNO was enhanced power of leader. By revising UMNO constitution and reforming the party, Tun Abdul Razak tried to concentrate party power on party president. Moreover, Tun Abdul Razak summoned expelled UMNO young Ultras to his cabinet. He needed these young aspirants to implement his new policies like NEP and party reform. The most vocal critic of Tunku Abdul Rahman, Mahathir also has returned to UMNO’s fold after Tun Abdul Razak became Prime Minister.
New Blood of UMNO and New Phase, 1974-1990
ReplyDeleteBy pumping up new blood into UMNO, implementing NEP, and forming Barisan Nasional system, Malaysian politics and UMNO’s supreme power in government and Barisan Nasional has been stabilised steadily. From this period, the UMNO dominance in government and Barisan Nasional became unchallengeable. Several economy-related minister posts, which were allocated to MCA, were taken by UMNO and other component parties in Barisan Nasional became marginalised gradually. In every aspect of economic activities, Malay favourable policies have been introduced and government helped Malay capitals to develop their skill to compete with other ethnic groups’ capital. In addition, the policies under NEP had much limitation on the economic activities of other ethnic groups. The main engines of implementing these policy changes are new bloods in the party that were once called ‘Young Ultras’. These new bloods of UMNO include notably, Mahathir, Musa Hitam and Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah.
The restoring of these young ultras of UMNO and rapid promotion in the early days of Tun Abdul Razak administration was predicting imminent generation change of UMNO and following inner dispute between young ultras and old guard. Mahathir, who had been expelled from party in 1969, was restored in 1972 and was appointed as Education Minister in 1974. Razaleigh, who has started his political career as division leader became deputy minister under Razak administration. Meanwhile, the so-called old guard was sidelined in Tun Abdul Razak administration. Many senior UMNO members like Khir Johari, Tan Sri Sardon Jubir, Senu Abdul Rahman and Tan Sri Ghazali Jawi, were virtually expelled or were forced to leave UMNO in the early days of Tun Abdul Razak administration. The highlight of generation change or factional rivalry was expulsion of Harun Idris, who has been a power UMNO members and Menteri Besar of Selangor. While Tun Abdul Razak started to tame him, it was in the third Prime Minister, Hussein Onn’s period that he was finally under control. If these serious of actions were to purse out old guard who were in high position during Tunku Abdul Rahman era and accustomed to his easy-going style, there was a case of retaliation of old guard during Hussein Onn administration. The old guard including Tunku Abdul Rahman himself, charged some of Tun Abdul Razak’s secretaries as communist. This attack was aiming newly rising politicians like Mahathir, Razaleigh, and Musa who were already in Deputy President of UMNO and Finance Minister then. However, successive auspice from Tun Abdul Razak and Hussein Onn, the new generation took the highest position in UMNO, thus opening new period of UMNO.
In 1981, Hussein Onn resigned and Mahathir has succeeded him. Therefore the young ultras or new generation members who was critical to the first generation like Tunku Abdul Rahman, became Prime Minister and President of UMNO. During 1980s, Malaysia has witnessed significant economic development in spite of increasing authoritarian tendency of politics, especially after 1987 UMNO election. Malay dominance in politics and in Barisan Nasional has strengthened in this period by successive good record in election and sustained economic development.
ReplyDeleteThe advent of new generation was predicting a new inner dispute of UMNO. In 1981 party deputy president election, Musa Hitam, who was supported by Mahathir defeated Razaleigh, who was senior and high-ranker in UMNO’s pecking order. In 1984 party election, Razaleigh again ahs challenged Musa Hitam to take Party deputy president post, but failed again because of Mahathir’s open support for Musa. This good relationship between Mahathir and Musa did not last long. In 1986, Musa resigned his deputy Prime Minister post in the excuse of personal difference between Mahathir and him. Facing 1987 party election, this resignation has produced many wild guess of possible coalition between Razaleigh and Musa and this speculation materialised. In the rapid economic development, fortifying Malay dominance, increasing Malays’ confidence and changing party composition and nature, the party election got more and more competitive.
ReplyDeleteFinally in 1987 election, Razaleigh-Musa team challenged Mahathir-Ghabar team only to be defeated with narrow gap. This incidence has significant impact on UMNO politics. Almost all party members were divided into two groups, ‘Team A’ and ‘Team B’ and considering attacks and vilification during election, the two team could not remain in a political party. Partly by expulsion and partly by resignation, the Team B members have left UMNO. After that, UMNO has experienced hard test of illegalisation, inner dispute of Barisan Nasional and so on. However, using coercive measures and Malay unity rhetoric, Mahathir managed to rehabilitate UMNO as UMNO Baru, defeating opposition coalition which included UMNO defectors, Semangat 46’.
ReplyDeleteLong Dominance and The Third Generation, 1990-1999
ReplyDeleteThis period from 1990 to 1999 has been an era of economic development, prosperity, sudden economic crisis, factionalism and political crisis. Anyhow, Mahathir was successful in overcoming severe split of UMNO in the late 1980s. To fortifying his power and position, he changed party constitution and strengthened his control over party. In general politics, authoritarian control over society has strengthened. Meanwhile, potential discontent from people was offset by rapid economic growth. From 1990-1997, Malaysian economic has grown more than 8% annually and fully eligible to be a next NICs country. Politically, although there were factional rivalries and over-heated competitions in party election, generally UMNO and Barisan Nasional have been relatively stable. In 1995 election, UMNO and its coalition Barisan Nasional has achieved recordable number of seats. It is said that this exceptionally good result was possible because of economic prosperity.
However, a new faction which is led by depute president of UMNO, Anwar Ibrahim, was growing. In 1993 party election, his faction and follower showed its power fully, by defeating Ghafar Baba in the election. Dubbed as Wawasan Team (Vision Team), this faction has showed its tactical use of patronage and inner cohesion. In fact, Anwar, who has been promoted by Mahathir, has grown up rapidly. Within 11 years from his join of UMNO, he became deputy president, a post generally regarded as heir-apparent. In 1996 party election, this strong faction has been weakened a bit, but was still maintaining its grass-root support in and outside of the party. Accordingly, there were numerous rumours and wild speculation about potential challenge of Anwar to Mahathir. They have denied uneasy relationship between them as often as they could.
ReplyDeleteWhat made this tension explode was economic crisis which has swept Asian countries in 1997. Malaysia was no exception of this crisis although its remedy was different from other countries. In this economic crisis, which has endangered Malaysia’s economic miracle, Mahathir and Anwar have showed fundamental difference in their ideology and policies.
ReplyDeleteBeing threatened by Anwar’s popularity in and outside of the party as well as in overseas during the crisis, Mahathir might have felt that his presidency was not safe from possible challenge in party election, which was scheduled in 1999. Finally, Mahathir sacked Anwar and this harsh measure has been backfired. Unlike Mahathir’s own calculation, the sack has ignited discontent of people, resulting demonstrations and criticism from opposition parties.
ReplyDeleteHidup BN! HIDUP UMNO!
ReplyDeleteThe Malaysian Investment Development Authority (Mida) has approved RM2.8 billion in investments for the Sabah manufacturing sector up to August this year.
ReplyDeleteInternational Trade and Industry Minister, Datuk Mustapa Mohamed said the projects are expected to generate 1,057 employment opportunities.
ReplyDeleteMustapa said the Ministry through the SME Bank and Malaysia Investment Development Foundation (MIDF) was also committed in assisting competitive entrepreneurs always looking for access to credit facilities in order to boost their competitiveness.
ReplyDeleteEver since its inception in 2005, SME Bank had approved commercial loan totaling RM1.32 billion to more than 1,046 companies in Sabah up to Sept 30, 2013.
ReplyDeleteUnited States President Barack Obama has challenged entrepreneurs, especially youths and women the world over, to pursue their dreams relentlessly and empower themselves as it will bring about greater good to mankind in more ways than one.
ReplyDelete
ReplyDeleteHe said that the freedom to pursue one’s dreams such as starting a business would bring wide-ranging benefits to people living in all the four corners of the globe including deepening the partnership between US and the Muslim community.
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ReplyDeleteNajib also expressed hope that the book could be used to teach the young generation about the monarchy institution and would increase the knowledge of the people from all walks of life.
ReplyDeletehe said the existing government had also played its roles in developing the country in a proper manner in a bid to improve the living standard of the people towards a more advanced and higher social level.
ReplyDelete