Wednesday, December 30, 2009

Forum bantah e-undi diteruskan walau ditekan

Gerakan pelajar Universiti Malaya untuk meningkatkan bantahan mereka terhadap sistem pengundian berkomputer (e-undi), dijangka pertengahan bulan depan, kelihatan menemui jalan buntu.

Forum anjuran kumpulan pelajar tersebut, yang diketuai oleh exco Majlis Perwakilan Mahasiswa UM (MPMUM) Mohd Aizat Mohd Salleh, diarah dibatalkan pada saat-saat akhir.

Bagaimanapun mereka akan terus menganjurkan forum tersebut pada waktu, tarikh dan lokasi yang telah dijadualkan 8.30 malam 1 Januari ini di dewan kuliah Akademi Pengajian Islam (API).

"Setakat ini kita akan teruskan, hatta buat di atas jalan raya (di luar dewan kuliah)," kata Mohd Aizat kepada Malaysiakinipetang ini.

Keputusan meneruskan forum 'E-Undi dan Masa Depan Demokrasi Kampus' dibuat selepas beliau bertemu dengan pegawai kanan Akademi Pengajian Islam (API) Dr Ruzman Mohd Noor selama sejam bermula 2.30 petang tadi.

Beliau bagaimanapun enggan mendedahkan butiran pertemuan tersebut.

Difahamkan pentadbiran universiti itu campur tangan pagi ini dalam keputusan API yang telah meluluskan penganjuran forum semalam.

Pensyarah terkenal Universiti Islam Antarabangsa (UIA) Dr Abdul Aziz Bari, wakil rakyat PKR Chang Lih Kang dan exco Persatuan Mahasiswa Islam UM Mohd Shafie Hashim dijadual membahaskan kontroversi tersebut di forum itu.

Majlis yang dianjurkan oleh Gabungan Mahasiswa Bantah E-Undi (BANTAH) dengan kerjasama MPMUM itu dilaporkan turut menerima ugutan dalam bentuk surat layang dan mesej SMS.

Dua penyelaras BANTAH didesak membatalkan forum tersebut atau "sesuatu" akan berlaku.

Mengulas lanjut masalah yang dihadapinya, Mohd Aizat berkata forum itu diteruskan kerana persiapan telah dibuat dan "pelajar akan terlepas jika ia dibatalkan."

Beliau menjangkakan sekurang-kurangnya 200 hingga 300 pelajar akan menyertai forum.

"Mahasiswa hendak tahu isu ini. Tempat bukan masalah bagi kita. Kita akan terus jalankan forum ini," katanya.

Monday, July 27, 2009

Hebat..Cina PR Buka Surau..Melayu Umno Tutup Surau.

Sewaktu menyampaikan ucapan pada satu ceramah dua malam yang lalu,ADUN Teja YB Sdr. Chang Lih Kang yang memulakan majlis dengan ucapan "Assalamualaikum" ada menyebut bahawa beliau telah berjaya mendirikan sebuah Surat yang diminta oleh penduduk Taman Mesra Raia dalam kawasan DUN Teja.

"Bukanlah mudah untuk mendapatkan kelulusan mendirikan surau.Beliau hampir setiap hari berulak-alik ke JAIP semata-mata untuk merealisasikan impian penduduk Taman Mesra Raia tersebut,Hinggakan staf JAIP merasa pelik,melihat seorang cina turun naik pejabat agama"katanya lagi.

Diikuti perkataan "Alhamdulillah" beliau gembira kerana segala usaha beliau mendatangkan hasil yang diinginkan oleh masyarakat di Taman Mesra Raia.(Hebat..buka dengan salam tutup dengan Alhamdulillah..)

Tetapi apa yang berlaku di salah sebuah surau di Kg Chulek dalam DUN Tualang Sekah,yang diketuai oleh YB Umno,baru-baru ini telah mengunci surau tersebut daripada mengadakan "Majlis Ilmu"kerana didapati telah dihadiri ramai drp penduduk kg itu yang dahagakan ilmu.

Lantaran melihat situasi tersebut,maka ketua kampungnya telah mengambil tindakan ala Abu Lahab dengan menahan semua guru yang mengajar disitu kerana penganjurnya terdiri daripada green family, dan akan "memocah bolahkan urang kampung"katanya.

Inilah mentaliti orang Arm No,kerana takutkan hilang pengaruh,maka kerja-kerja yang ada hubung kait dengan islam dimatikan.Kerana mereka tahu,sekiranya masyarakat cerdik dan berilmu sudah pasti kekuasaan mereka tidak akan kekal lama.

-sendiri-mau-ingatlah.blogspot.com

Tuesday, May 19, 2009

BN Youth Support Move Not To Contest

arisan Nasional (BN) Youth support the move by the BN leadership not to contest in the Penanti state assembly by-election.

BN Youth chief Khairy Jamaluddin said the BN "need not dance" to the Opposition's tune.

"We are aware that what the Opposition is doing is to politicise the situation and gain popularity through the by-election

"More importantly, as the BN youth movement we abide and support the decision," he told reporters after charing the first special BN Youth committee meeting here Monday.

At the meeting the BN Youth thanked former chief Datuk Hishammuddin Tun Hussein who led the movment for 11 years.

Khairy said BN Youth had also agreed to set up a BN Youth secretariat to coordinate all BN Youth activities.

"We will provide sufficient staff to ensure the secretariat can provide coordination for all BN Youth component wings," he said.

At the meeting, Khairy also announced the appointment of Datuk Razali Ibrahim as the BN Youth deputy chairman and Datuk Muzabil Abdul Rahman as BN Youth secretary and treasurer.

Also announced was the setting up of a new committee called the BN Youth Strategic Committee to be headed by Neil Foo of MCA Youth.



-- BERNAMA

Tuesday, April 14, 2009

Be quiet, Muhyiddin tells MIC

Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin today stopped short, barely, of giving a public dressing down to the MIC by pointing out that Barisan Nasional (BN) component parties should respect the prime minister’s Cabinet choices and not air their grouses publicly.

The deputy prime minister was commenting on reports over the weekend that the MIC was unhappy with Cabinet appointments and was considering pulling out its representatives from the government.

The Malaysian Insider understands the threat against the BN leadership was a result of Datuk Seri S Samy Vellu’s exclusion from the Cabinet. The unpopular MIC president is unhappy that he was snubbed while Gerakan president Tan Sri Koh Tsu Koon was made a minister through a senatorial appointment.

Muhyiddin told reporters today that dissatisfaction over Cabinet appointments should not be openly discussed as it could be exploited as fodder by the opposition, suggesting the frailties of the BN government against unrelenting attacks from Pakatan Rakyat (PR) and other critics of Datuk Seri Najib Razak’s fledgling administration.

He added that he has also spoken to the deputy president of MIC, who has denied the party had discussed such a move.

Muhyiddin said there was no need for the matter to be brought up to the BN because the MIC president could always meet the prime minister.

Muhyiddin was speaking to the press after handing over duties at the Ministry of International Trade and Industry to Datuk Mustapa Mohamed, who is the new minister.

Of late there has been intense speculations in the press that MIC president Datuk Seri S Samy Vellu was considering pulling out Human Resources Minister Datuk Dr S. Subramaniam and deputy ministers Datuk S.K. Devamany and Datuk M. Saravanan, from the Cabinet.

The move is seen as a means to pressure the new administration to give the party more Cabinet positions.

Cabinet Committees To Be Trimmed

Deputy Prime Minister Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin said today the number of cabinet committees will be trimmed to smoothen the administration and ensure that all matters discussed are implemented.

He said that at his meeting with Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak a few days ago they agreed that the committees be grouped in clusters, for example, economy would be under one cluster and social matters under another.

Each week the ministers would have to attend up to four cabinet committee meetings, he told reporters after handing over the duties of International Trade and Industry minister to Datuk Mustapa Mohamed.

"There are many cabinet committees and all of them are important. We also have other matters that we have to implement for the country," he said.

He said some of the committees would be chaired by him and the rest by Najib.

Earlier, at a special meeting with the officers and staff of the International Trade and Industry Ministry (MITI), Muhyiddin said there were now 30 to 40 cabinet committees.

He said although MITI had only 3,000 staff compared with some ministries which had more, he was confident that they were capable of discharging their duties professionally and well.

He said the government had drawn up pro-business policies which required the ministry to work to ensure that all the initiatives taken or to be taken continued to develop in the worst economic gloom in 80 years.

"MITI's role and responsibility are challenging and the initiatives taken by the government and the PM in the RM67 billion economic stimulus package must be implemented so that the economy does not slum that badly," he said.

He said MITI must take swift action and be brave and effective in allaying the concerns of the private sector, chambers of commerce and small-and-medium scale industries so that this group was not burdened by the economic recession.

-BERNAMA

Gerakan, MCA rebuke DPM over ‘ungrateful Chinese voters’

Deputy Prime Minister Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin continues to draw criticism over his recent comments that Chinese voters were ungrateful for not voting for BN even though the government had assisted the community, with the latest rebukes coming from Umno’s partners in the Barisan Nasional (BN) .

Of the two component parties in the ruling coalition that issued a response to Muyhiddin’s comments however, it was Gerakan that saw its senior leadership speaking out while the task of doing so at MCA was left to the party’s information and communication bureau.

MCA’s response however, was remarkable in that it hit out hard against Umno’s perceived arrogance and listed down an exhaustive list of grievances harboured by the Chinese and even other non-Malay communities.

Gerakan Deputy President Datuk Chang Ko Youn said he disagreed with Muhyiddin and that BN’s conventional practice of doling out allocations during elections no longer works as voters want problems to be attended to continuously.

“The more substantive issues of corruption, abuse of power and equity in national leadership and government delivery system must be dealt with first, only then will the voters who deserted the BN be ready to return,” Chang said.

Muyhiddin had said in an interview published in Mingguan Malaysia yesterday that the BN felt deceived by Chinese voters in the recent by-election in Bukit Gantang and that the voters should have been grateful for help given to Chinese schools and that the non-Malays see themselves as kingmakers in the current scenario where the Malay vote is split between three Malay based political parties — Umno, PAS and PKR.

In a separate interview in Utusan Malaysia published on April 10, the deputy prime minister said that the drop in support from the Chinese community was as if they did not appreciate what the BN has done for them.

The BN strategy of having separate campaigns for different ethnic communities was also criticised by Chang who urged the ruling Umno-led coalition to move away from ethno-centric campaigning and instead adopt cohesive, universal messages that appeal to all Malaysians.

He added that emphasis must be given to the prime minister’s slogan of One Malaysia, which emphasises mutual trust and respect among the different ethnic communities.

“The focus of uniting Malaysia under the One Malaysia ‘People First, Performance Now’ agenda is a winner because it promotes fairness and equity, and gives real meaning to the Barisan Nasional struggle,” he said.

Lee Wei Kiat, the head of the MCA information and communication bureau said that MCA “takes exception” to the deputy prime minister’s remarks and laid out a laundry list of issues that he believes have caused Chinese voters to turn away from the BN.

Issues such as abuse of the New Economic Policy (NEP), a largely mono-ethnic civil service, religious conversion issues, misuse of the ISA and “mob rule” tactics that disrupted civilised dialogue and forums were among the frustrations faced by the Chinese community, said Lee.

Touching on Umno’s arrogance, Lee said that acts such as waving the keris amid fiery speeches during the 2006 Umno party assembly and recent statements that Umno was the sole political party responsible for the nation’s independence, both committed by now defence minister Datuk Seri Hishammuddin Hussein, was still a sore point with the non-Malays.

“The image of the brandishing of the keris amidst talks of ‘bathing in blood’ which alluded to a civil war against a conjured enemy of another community still remains unforgivable,” said Lee.

“Moreover, convenient amnesia at the recently concluded Umno general assembly where an Umno supreme council leader obliterated the contributions of non-Malays towards independence asserting that Merdeka was forged by Umno and the Malay Rulers and nobody else, also fuelled dissatisfaction among the non-Malay communities.”

Hishammuddin has publicly denied that he had excluded the involvement of the MCA and the MIC in the process of attaining Malaysia’s independence. He has also said that the use of the Keris during the assembly will be discontinued.

He also pointed out that Umno was not able to convince the Malays to vote in sufficient numbers in order to ensure a BN victory in the Bukit Gantang and Bukit Selambau by-elections even though these two constituencies are Malay majority polling districts.

Lee also noted the astonishing change of sentiment in the Chinese community toward the Islamist party PAS, which is now part of the opposition Pakatan Rakyat coalition, within the space of two general elections.

“In 2004, the Chinese overwhelmingly rejected PAS’s Islamist agenda of a theocratic state based on hudud and qisas which wreaked of amputating limbs, public lashing and requiring four men of good conduct to witness a rape before an alleged rapist was found guilty and gave the mandate to BN,” said Lee.

“In 2008, corruption, cronyism, perceived judicial bias, racial and religious discrimination and intolerance led the multiracial rakyat particularly those on the peninsular to favour the opposition.”

He said that if BN wanted to win back support, it would have to overhaul government policies so that every Malaysian citizen is accorded equality, which according to Lee, is guaranteed under Article 8 of the Federal Constitution.

“Malaysian citizens have the right to a decent life, free of bigotry, with the adoption of meritocracy and access to equal development where aid is delivered on the basis of need and not racial hegemony,” he said.

Lee’s comments are unlikely to be looked on favourably by his partners in Umno however.

The dominant party in the BN coalition feels that it has sacrificed a lot for its coalition partners which nevertheless, have failed to deliver the votes from their respective ethnic communities.

Many in Umno feel that MCA should not make demands until it delivers the votes.

Foreign Minister and senior Umno member, Datuk Seri Dr Rais Yatim was reported to have remarked that MCA should not request for a second deputy prime minister post when the party is weak and unable to attract the majority of Chinese voters.

He said this in reference to MCA deputy secretary-general Datuk Loke Yuen Yow’s proposal for the creation of the posts of Chinese deputy prime minister and Chinese Barisan Naional (BN) deputy chairman. -MalaysiaInsider

Wednesday, March 25, 2009

INTERNET MEDIA BARRED FROM UMNO

KUALA LUMPUR, 24 March 2009: Umno, which started its general assembly today to plot the party's renewal under a new leadership, showed the first sign of its resistance to reform - it barred the internet media from covering the five-day event.

Initially, no word was issued officially but checks by the press corp and online media agencies with one another revealed that several news websites have been denied the red-coloured press tags required to cover the general assembly.



The online media affected are Malaysiakini, The Malaysian Insider, Siasah, Merdeka Review, and The Nut Graph. According to Malaysiakini, Chinese website Laksou has also been barred.

The traditional print and foreign media, however, have been issued media passes.

Umno secretary-general Datuk Seri Tengku Adnan Tengku Mansor confirmed at a press conference that a total of six news websites were barred from covering the assembly.

"All these websites have been irresponsible in their reporting. If you report responsibly about Umno's leaders, then we will allow you to come in. But the way they report is sickening," Tengku Adnan said at the Umno general assembly.

Outgoing Prime Minister and party president Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi was also present at the press conference.

Umno media officer Abdul Hamid Satar had earlier today told Malaysiakini that these media were considered "bloggers". He added that the decision to bar them was made by a higher party authority, believed to be Tengku Adnan.

The ban on the internet media comes despite these organisations' reporters having submitted their applications to cover the general assembly in advance. The online media have also been given government accreditation by the Information Department.

Umno has a right

Information Minister Datuk Ahmad Shabery Cheek, who is running for a seat in the Umno supreme council, said he did not know of the party's ban of the new media.

He said even though the websites had been accredited by the Information Ministry, it was still up to Umno to decide whether to allow them coverage.

"What we do as government in giving accreditation is a separate matter from Umno's decision to allow the new media. They have the right to allow or deny, just like how PAS and Parti Keadilan Rakyat have banned newspapers like Berita Harian or Utusan from covering their events," Shabery told The Nut Graph when met at the general assembly.

The Nut Graph editor Jacqueline Ann Surin earlier said that to be fair, Umno should be given a chance to explain its decision to bar the online media.

"After all, they do have a right to choose who to bar and who to allow into their assembly. But the implications of their actions and what it says about the dominant party in the Barisan Nasional is then something that they may have to deal with."

KIV

Siasah editor Zulkifli Sulong said they only realised their reporters had been banned today, the first day of the general assembly.

"For the past three to four days whenever we called to check on the status of our press passes, we were told that they were 'KIV'. Only today we realised upon checking with the Umno secretariat that they were not planning to issue us the passes," Zulkifli said.

The Nut Graph had a similar experience. Each time a query was made with the party's public relations division, the reply was either that the tags were "KIV" or "not yet ready".

Additionally, the website's reporters were told to refer to Datuk Abu Khamis, Tengku Adnan's special officer. Calls to his office went unanswered.

Malaysian Insider consultant editor Leslie Lau said they did not get the press passes either. "No reasons were given," he said today in a phone interview.

Zulkifli said the ban won't stop Siasah from covering the assembly. "It's an important event. It's not just for Umno but it's about the country's future. We'll find ways to do it," he said.

All the other banned new media are expected to do the same. Reporters from the banned organisations still turned up at the Putra World Trade Centre where the Umno general assembly is being held.

"We will try to report as best as we can from the Putra World Trade Centre. All good journalists are resourceful and The Nut Graph journalists no less. We also expect that there is enough media camaraderie for information to be exchanged among the media corp covering the Umno general assembly," Surin said.

Though access will be denied into the main halls where the proceedings take place, the events will be televised through close-circuit television in the main lobby. It has been common in past general assemblies for non-delegates to follow the proceedings from outside the hall via television.

Media crackdown?

At the press conference, Abdullah was also asked about the three-month suspension of Suara Keadilan and Harakah, the party organs of Parti Keadilan Rakyat and PAS, respectively.

Abdullah brushed off questions by reporters on whether this would mar his legacy as he prepares to leave office.

"Why are you asking me? There must have been a very good reason [for the suspensions]. What has it to do with me?"

Ex-member 0000001 still wields clout

Umno Member No. 0000001 may have given up that honour, but there is no doubt that former premier Mahathir Mohamad remains an unseen ghost at the party’s assembly that began yesterday.

Tun Dr Mahathir had resigned from the party last year in a final gamble to force out his handpicked successor Abdullah Badawi.

Very few followed him out of the party, but it was one of those iconic moments that piled so much pressure on Datuk Seri Abdullah that he eventually agreed to hand over power to Deputy Premier Najib Razak, who will become party president tomorrow.

But do not think for a moment that Datuk Seri Najib, who is Dr Mahathir’s choice, will escape the former premier’s acerbic attention. Dr Mahathir has already expressed an opinion on Mr Najib’s past performance (“didn’t shine”) and his future Cabinet (“has to be clean’).

Dr Mahathir was Umno’s most powerful president – a post he held from 1981 to 2003 – and he still wields enough influence that the party felt compelled to invite him to the opening of the assembly tomorrow.

“I haven’t decided. I have been invited, but I’m not an Umno member, you know. Besides, the opening is only the president’s speech,” he was quoted as saying in The Star on Sunday.

That deft stab at his nemesis was vintage Mahathir.

His aide told The Straits Times yesterday that the former premier has still not decided. The last time he attended an assembly was in 2004, before he started his bitter attacks on Abdullah. He has not turned up since, but in 2006 sent a letter to the delegates with his apologies.

He signed off as Member No. 0000001, a membership number obtained after Umno re-registered as a party following a bitter episode of party infighting in 1988. It now has 3.2 million members.

His wife, Tun Dr Siti Hasmah Mohamed Ali, was Member No. 0000002. She, too, resigned from the party, along with their son Mokhzani Mahathir.

Dr Mahathir has said he will not rejoin Umno until Abdullah is no longer president. But in the meantime, his shadow looms large.

Political analyst Rita Sim, who is also with the Malaysian Chinese Association’s think-tank, said Dr Mahathir still has indirect influence within Umno, although he no longer controls the levers of power.

For instance, many believe that it was his prodding that prompted Minister of International Trade and Industry Muhyiddin Yassin to openly call for Mr Abdullah’s early retirement, setting the ball rolling.

And it was Dr Mahathir’s constant carping at former Minister of International Trade and Industry Rafidah Aziz that eroded the Iron Lady’s standing so much that she was dropped from the Cabinet. She now faces an unexpected challenge from former women and family development minister Shahrizat Jalil for the presidency of the women’s wing.

“Dr Mahathir still does have impact, although more in shaping public opinion than directly in Umno,” said Sim.

It is also the perception that he is the silent power behind Najib that is giving his views so much weight.

So far, there has been no suggestion of a formal role for Dr Mahathir despite his suggestion that Umno set up a presidential council to advise the party’s leadership.

Do not be surprised if he rejoins Umno again, very soon. – The Straits Times

Najib rehashes old ideals, no new frontiers at Umno assembly

Under pressure to appease members, incoming Umno president Najib Abdul Razak found it expedient to admit that the current voting system in his party was flawed.

But he stopped short of declaring what many other leaders have urged - a one-man one-vote system to rid the once-mighty party of corruption and to return sorely-missed democracy to its members.

“As it stands the deciders are a delegation of some 2,600 delegates from 191 divisions. Clearly the choice of these delegates cannot correctly reflect the preferences of more than three million grassroots members,” Najib told a meeting of the Umno women and youth wings.

“To my mind the time has come for us to review the constitution of Umno so that the selection of Umno leaders will be more inclusive.”

He also rehashed a call for change but failed to ignite any excitement, having antagonised party colleagues a week before with a ruthless purge of leaders aligned to a rival faction.

Najib urged his party to embrace new technology, in particular new media, or risk being left behind by an increasingly well-educated electorate. However, he did not mention that only hours earlier, he had barred six online news providers from attending the assembly.

“There must be some introspection on our part followed by renewal and rejuvenation. If we do not undertake this process, Umno will continue to be seen as a party still in denial,” he said.

No new frontiers

The distinct lack of bite in his address was widely expected and thus the insignificance of the comments taken in stride. His Umno-controlled media did however make efforts to gloss over the fact and hailed him for going where no other Umno leader has ever ventured before.

But neither Star Trek nor Captain Kirk is Malaysia’s scandal-plagued deputy premier.

He may be notorious both locally and internationally for alleged complicity in the sensational murder-and-commission case of slain Mongolian translator, Altantuya Shaariibuu. But when it comes to politics, Najib has long been regarded as Mr Status Quo.

Even the most recent crackdowns on dissent ordered by him, going into the last lap of the power transition, are believed to have been conceived for him by his mentor, ex-premier Mahathir Mohamad, and former economic adviser, Daim Zainuddin.

Their objective - to ensure that Najib makes it to the topmost rung safely. Their motive - self-interest and a return to the front-line of power on the coat-tails of their protege.

“Najib should avoid becoming the next Dr Mahathir,” said political analyst Gavin Khoo. “There are indications that he is more willing to use the public institutions, controversial laws and coercive forces to get what he wanted than the previous administration. If he continues to disregard the rule of law, the losers will be the Malaysians, the normal people.”

The King

The 55-year old Najib is slated to take over the party presidency from Abdullah Ahmad Badawi this week and the premiership of the country early next month.

But despite the proximity of the transition deadlines, only the former is considered confirmed, while a question-mark still hangs over the second.

“Nothing can stop what has already been decided. Najib will become Umno president soon. And when there is confirmation, there will be a transition,” Abdullah told reporters.

But even so, he was vague about when Najib would become prime minister, a post the latter has long coveted.

Meanwhile, calls to the King, urging His Majesty not to confirm Najib as premier are gaining strength across the country. Despite heavy odds, most Malaysians cling to the hope that their King will resist the far-reaching arm of the Najib-Mahathir camp and stand up for his subjects.

“Whatever undertakings the present prime minister has made with his deputy or with his party about his successor are external to the constitutional process. To think otherwise is to imagine that the prime ministership is a private property to be passed on from one potentate to another at whim,” said Umno veteran Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah.

“The King has sole and absolute discretion in how he forms his judgment as to who in the Parliament commands the confidence of the majority. The choice is his alone,” Razaleigh added. -SuaraKeadilan

Monday, March 23, 2009

Batang Ai - Jawah Gerang named as Candidate

Abdullah: The missed opportunity

The contrast yesterday could not have been more striking.

There he was looking tired, spent, raiding a bare cupboard to justify his 5 ½ years in office and looking forward to a life of gardening with his wife. At the age of 73.

There he was looking sprightly, combative, ready to clock 12 hour days in the office and looking forward to another shot at public service, another short of salvaging his legacy. At the age of 84.

The contrast could not have been more striking.

Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi looked and sounded like a defeated man in his farewell interview with Mingguan Malaysia, a man exiting the main stage with a whimper.

The man who forced him out, Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad looked and sounded like a politician ready for another tour of duty in his series of newspaper interviews and address to Malay right-wing group Perkasa.

The attempt to put a gloss on Abdullah’s years as prime minister has started.

From his replies, it is clear that he truly believes that Islam Hadhari, fiscal prudence , the Judicial Appointments Commission, the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission and opening up of discourse here will burnish his legacy.

Newspapers are ready to publish articles on the high points of the Abdullah era.

Utusan Malaysia is proposing that he be feted like a statesman when he leaves office on April 3. But if Malaysians are honest; if his supporters are honest; if Abdullah is honest, his five years in office should be headlined: The Missed Opportunity.

If it seems that he and his supporters are scrapping the barrel to prop him up as a top notch leader, it is because they are.

His failings become obvious when his time in office is measured against the likes of Tunku Abdul Rahman, Tun Abdul Razak, Tun Hussein Onn and Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad.

Historians may rank him joint fourth or fifth in terms of achievements, fulfilling promises and utilising a mandate.

Look at what his competition achieved:

Tunku Abdul Rahman — Delivered independence for the country, embraced the idea of the Alliance and never once forgot that he was the leader of all Malayans/Malaysians. Because he and other early Umno politicians like Tun Dr Ismail and Tun Abdul Razak were fair and honest men, non-Malays were happy to accept the leadership of Umno.

The independence of institutions was respected during his time and there was a respect for the separation of powers by the government.

Tun Abdul Razak — He crafted policies and ideas which helped Malaysia navigate itself through the dark days after the May 1969 riots. The New Economic Policy, Rukunegara and Felda were born during his short term inoffice. Barisan Nasional and concept of power-sharing among different races was introduced by him.

Some of the most prominent politicians whom he selected and nurtured in the 1970s still dominate the scene today. In short, a prime minister who left an indelible mark on Malaysia.

Tun Hussein Onn — He largely continued Razak’s economic policies but pushed for the creation of a Malay business class. During his short term, NEP policies exceeded their targets, so soon after he left office in 1981, Dr Mahathir reaped the rewards and was credited with most of its achievements.

Some say he was a meticulous man, others claim he was indecisive. He took six months to go through the 403-page Third Malaysian Plan.

A lawyer by training, he was a stickler for rules. During his time in office, he was challenged by elements in Umno, communist insurgency and secession from Sabah.

Dr Mahathir Mohamad — He transformed Malaysia from an agrarian society to one of the top trading nations in the world. His economic policies helped create the large middle class we have in the country today.

Built the national car, the Petronas Twin Towers, Putrajaya and gave Malaysians a sense of confidence. His 22 years in office also witnessed the controversial round up of some 100 people under Operasi Lalang, the sacking of Anwar Ibrahim from government, the clipping of the power of the royalty and the hollowing out of the institutions.

On the world stage because of his willingness to go against convention, Malaysia punched above her weight. Umno became bigger, more assertive and less accommodating during his time.

Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi — He won the biggest mandate in history. Introduced Islam Hadhari; reduced the budget deficit to 3.2 per cent of the Gross Domestic Product; allowed more debate and opening up of democratic space; set up the MACC and JAC and introduced the five economic growth corridors.

On the surface, Abdullah looks to have done a decent job. But remove a couple of layers and a sorry picture emerges.

He is leaving a country fractured by racial and religious polarisation. Anyone listening to the rabid speeches at the Perkasa function yesterday would have wondered whether Malaysia is home to Malays, Chinese, Indians or home only to Malays.

If there is growing chauvinism among Malaysians, it is because the Abdullah administration took a cavalier attitude towards the festering sores in Malaysian society.

It leaned too heavily on “the time will heal every problem” approach, putting off solving vexing issues of religious freedom and the abuse of the NEP to another day, hoping that the embers of anger in each community would douse itself out.

He is leaving behind institutions a significant number of Malaysians do not have trust in. The Police. The Judiciary. The Civil Service.

The early signs from the MACC are not promising. Government lawmakers believe that it has been invested with too much power and the Opposition feel that the commission will do the bidding of the BN government.

A survey by the Merdeka Centre shows that the majority of Malaysians do not believe that either the MACC or the JAC will be effective in tackling corruption and improving the standing of the judiciary.

Abdullah’s third initiative — a tribunal for enforcement agencies — is currently in limbo. Government lawmakers have blocked its passage through Parliament, arguing that more work needs to be done before the legislation is rubber-stamped.

That is the official reason.

The real reason is that BN lawmakers are suspicious of the tribunal, and do not believe that any independent body should be empowered to lord over the police, customs, immigration and other uniform services.

Looking back at his term as PM, Abdullah told Mingguan Malaysia that he made a couple of strategic errors.

He should have pushed ahead with all his reforms just after winning the 2004 elections.

With a solid mandate, momentum and with the pro-status quo powers cowed into silence, he could have reformed Umno and the country.

Instead, he waited and waited and the establishment forces in Umno recovered their poise and strength. Knowing that he could not control the party, he became a prisoner to its wants.

For example when the party rejected the open tender system, he went along with it.

Not surprisingly, 80 per cent of all government contracts during his term were direct negotiations.

Abdullah also lamented that while he encouraged more discourse on sensitive topics and openness during his time as PM, he should have redrawn the out-of-bound markers for Malaysians.

True, he should have better managed the opening up of democratic space in Malaysia.

True, he should have had more resolve in tackling excesses by his party.

True, he should have done more to ensure that a more equitable system was put in place.

True, he should have made good all his promises in his first term of office.

He did not.

And as a result, his goal of serving two terms in office was cut short, dramatically by the party he served so slavishly.

Historians may be kinder to him.

His party men will bid him farewell this week in glowing terms.

But for many Malaysians, the Abdullah years will be remembered as the Missed Opportunity.

Federal Court returns Perak case to High Court

The Federal Court here today ordered to send the Perak menteris besar case back to the Kuala Lumpur High Court.

It also ordered that a suit filed by three former Pakatan Rakyat state assemblymen against Speaker V Sivakumar sent back to the Ipoh High Court.

The Federal Court’s decision today means a quick resolution will be unlikely for the Perak constitutional crisis. The cases are likely to meander its way through the different courts because any decision is likely to be appealed by the losing party.

The five-man panel of judges ruled the apex court could not resolve the constitutional question referred it by the high court as the judge Lau Bee Lan of the Appellate and Special Powers division failed to follow the proper procedure. -MalaysiaInsider

Lau had on March 10, framed four constitutional questions it wanted the Federal Court to answer to resolve the Perak crisis.

But Datuk Seri Mohammad Nizar Jamaluddin, who insists he is still the lawful MB as he has not quit his post or been voted out or made redundant in the dissolution of the state assembly, objected to the referral and to the questions asked.

“The High Court does not have the power to transfer to the Federal Court under Section 84 of the Courts of Judicature Act 1964 because the meaning of ‘constitution’ is restricted to the Constitution of Malaysia,” announced Court of Appeal president Tan Sri Alauddin Sheriff, who headed the panel.

Nizar’s lead lawyer, Sulaiman Abdullah, who had from the start objected to the high court’s decision to move the case to the apex court repeated his arguments before the Federal Court.

Sulaiman contended Lau had been wrong to do so as the case was a state constitutional issue, not a federal constitutional issue and there were no laws that gave her the power to move the issue to the higher court on her own.

“The court is not at liberty to stretch or pervert the laws on the constitution to suit its purpose,” he said, pointing out that despite the urgency of the issue, no shortcut was allowed; the rule of law must be followed every step of the way.

The other members of the bench, comprising Chief Judge of Malaya Datuk Arifin Zakaria, Datuk Zulkefli Ahmad Makinuddin, James Foong and Datuk Seri Augustine Paul, agreed with him.

The Federal Court overturned the Court of Appeal’s decisions last Friday, including granting leave to menteri besar Datuk Zambry Abdul Kadir which allows him the right to be a party to the court proceedings.

But it rejected a request from Datuk Seri Mohammad Nizar Jamaluddin’s lead lawyer, Sulaiman Abdullah who asked the Federal Court to appoint a different high court judge from Lau to hear the case.

The Federal Court also ordered the related suit filed by the three elected state representatives against the Perak Assembly Speaker V Sivakumar to be similarly returned to the Ipoh High Court to be decided.

Jamaluddin Mohd Radzi (Behrang), Mohd Osman Mohd Jailu (Changkat Jering) and Hee Yit Fong (Jelapang) are suing Sivakumar for falsely declaring their seats vacant to pave the way for by-elections after they went independent.

None of the three were present.

Nizar, who was in court today for the hearing with several Pakatan Rakyat leaders, was relieved.
“This is another seed for the democratic victory for the rakyat,” he told reporters later, smiling widely.

He admitted that while he had worn a confident look on his face earlier, he was fearful the judges may rule against him and had been praying silently “all the way” while his lawyers argued his case.

Zambry too appeared in court today, for the first time. Unlike Nizar, he came alone and left early.
Speaking to reporters later on his behalf, Zambry’s lawyers Firoz Hussein Ahmad Jamaluddin and Hafarizam Harun said they accepted the court’s decision and maintained “nobody won, nobody lost” in today’s ruling.

They admitted they were “disappointed”.

“We preferred to deal with it at the Federal Court and resolve the issues on the constitution as quickly as possible,” said Firoz, the chief counsel for Zambry.

Asked to comment on the four questions referred to the Federal Court, Firoz pointed out it was drafted by the Attorney General’s Chambers and the “unilateral decision of the judge to refer the questions.”

But he said they had no problems with the questions as “it addresses the heart of the issue”.

“They forget it was His Royal Highness that appointed Zambry,” Firoz noted, referring to the stout objections from Nizar’s lawyers who steadfastly insists they are not challenging the Sultan of Perak’s authority but are suing Zambry for usurping the powers of the menteri besar.

Thursday, March 19, 2009

Disqualification leads to disquiet in Umno

Malacca Chief Minister Ali Rustam was ironically at a meet-the-candidates session on Tuesday when the news broke that he was disqualified from contesting the Umno deputy presidency.

He was already prepared for the news, and betrayed no emotion. His supporters were emotional, and some were seen crying.

About 150 of them headed for the airport to await Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi"s return from Indonesia.

"We appealed to the Prime Minister to reconsider the decision to prohibit Ali from contesting and he gave a positive response," Mr Yusoff Kassim, a Malacca divisional chief, was
quoted by Bernama as saying.

Datuk Seri Ali, 59, is hugely popular with the Umno grassroots, and this had given him an advantage in the race for the party's No. 2 post - which traditionally also means becoming Malaysia"s deputy premier.

The next closest challenger, International Trade and Industry Minister Muhyiddin Yassin, is better qualified but with far less of a people's touch. Rural and Regional Development Minister Muhammad Muhammad Taib was a distant third, but his position has suddenly improved, thanks to Mr Ali's disqualification.

He now stands a fighting chance to win next Wednesday because Mr Ali's men may throw their support behind him. They are angry, not just at the outcome but also at the perception of selective prosecution.

This turn of events has turned out to be a bit of a mess for Umno.

Its members do not seem to believe in the impartiality of the party's disciplinary board. They see the findings as a move to block certain candidates, disguised as reforms to stamp out vote-buying.

On Tuesday, it found Mr Ali liable for vote-buying carried out by his political secretary and two other campaign agents, and banned him from contesting.

It also found Mr Khairy Jamaluddin, the son-in-law of the Prime Minister, guilty of the same offence in his bid for the Umno Youth presidency. But he was let off with a warning because there was not enough evidence to tie him to those allegedly buying votes for him.

This seeming inconsistency - and the coincidence that both are seen to be linked to Datuk Seri Abdullah - has fanned outrage among the Umno grassroots.

"It has created internal turmoil. The public already does not believe Umno is serious about reforming; now even party members doubt it," said Datuk Nur Jazlan Mohamed, a Johor divisional leader.

Mr Khairy told The Straits Times on Tuesday that "it was not a coincidence" but refused to elaborate.

Just last week, Federal Territory Umno Youth chief Norza Zakaria, who is seen as close to Mr Khairy and his father-in-law, was charged in court with money politics.

Tourism Minister Azalina Othman Said, who was also allied to Mr Khairy at one time, came under a cloud after her political secretary was found with RM70,000 in his car, allegedly for campaigning purposes.

Both are contesting a seat in the Supreme Council.

Regardless of the outcome, both are now left with a taint that will mar their political future, including future appointments to the Cabinet.

Critics have accused Deputy Premier Najib Razak of carrying out a purge of Mr Abdullah"s loyalists as he gears up to take the party presidency.

"Ali Rustam is being singled out because he is not in the Deputy Prime Minister's camp," opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim was quoted as saying on his party's website.

But Datuk Seri Najib"s supporters rubbish this. They point out that he has never shown any preference for any candidate.

"People merely assume that his choice will be those who are not Abdullah's men," one of them said. They also point out that there were hundreds of complaints about Mr Ali from the grassroots, although his supporters blame Tan Sri Muhyiddin for orchestrating this.

The fallout will take a lot of damage control to manage, within Umno itself. It has left suspicions, and may result in Mr Najib inheriting a party with deep rifts.

"It's a double whammy," Mr Nur Jazlan said. - The Straits Times

Time for Najib to let go as calls grow not to make him PM

The writing is on the wall. It is time for incoming Umno president Najib Abdul Razak to stand down. The calls are coming in fast and furious for the King to seriously consider a unity government, or another other acceptable alternative to appointing him Malaysia’s sixth prime minister.

Said Ramon Navaratnam, president of Transparency International Malaysia: “A unity government - a form of power-sharing between the Barisan Nasional and Pakatan Rakyat - would be the ideal at this current stage of national development and particularly in the face of the looming economic crisis.”

Zaid Ibrahim, the well-respected former Law Minister, too did not mince words when he asked the King to review alternatives other than the scandal-plagued Najib.

“There is no constitutional obligation on His Majesty to appoint the president of Umno as the prime minister. There are still well qualified Members of Parliament from Umno who can be appointed PM to bring us back from the brink,” Zaid said in a speech to the Rotary Club.

Both he and Ramon are the latest to openly express the wishes of a large majority of Malaysians, who do not want the 55-year old Najib to lead the country. Other prominent leaders who have done the same in recent weeks include top civil society groups, Islamic leaders and opposition politicians.

“A prime minister must have the confidence of the majority of the rakyat. For this to be the case there cannot be anything in the mind of the greater public that, correctly or otherwise, associates him with matters of criminality, wrongful action, improper conduct or abuses of power,” Zaid stressed.

Distrust

The greatest grouse that Malaysians have against Najib is that they simply don’t trust him. This despite the fact that most have known him since he was 22 years old, when his father, the second prime minister died, and he was spring-boarded into the national leadership.

Protected by his mentor, Mahathir Mohamad, Malaysians could only frown at the eldest son of the late Tun Razak, when allegations of graft surfaced throughout his 33-year political career.

But as they say - spare the rod and spoil the child. If one were to gauge by the number of misconduct complaints piling up against him, Najib has only gotten worse with time.

Not only has he become entangled in a high-profile sex-and-commission scandal involving murdered Mongolian translator, Altantuya Shaariibuu, he has also been resorting to heavy-handed use of the police, the courts and even Parliament to stay in power - the same oppressive methods that Mahathir used to employ.

“I can only say that Najib is getting more and more worried. The situation for him is still very uncertain and fluid. The only thing that is clear though is that the people are very uncomfortable about him leading the country,” said Pakatan Rakyat leader Tian Chua.

Six months ‘probation’ confirmed nation’s worst fears

Barely six months ago, Najib was the hope of Umno. The shock loss of a long-held two-thirds parliamentary majority created insecurity and fear that bordered on mass hysteria in the once-mighty party.

Najib played his hand well, taking advantage of the leadership vacuum present. Egged on by a Mahathir eager to return to power, an internal rebellion was hatched that culminated in Abdullah being forced to take responsibility for the poor electoral performance. The 68-year old Pak Lah accepted early retirement and is due to step down early next month, although his term officially ends only in 2013.

But the fear that gripped Umno and the Malay community has since been dissipating. Malaysians, including the Malays, have learnt to appreciate the advantages of a two-party system. They have become aware that the checks and balances wrought by the rivalry of two large political coalitions actually work to their benefit.

Now, what they fear is Najib. In a bid to stay on top, he has become increasing aggressive. Knowing that his popularity was on the slide, Najib tried to regain the respect of his community by staging a power grab in Perak state, against the wishes of the majority of Perakians.

But the political crisis there - just as in the rest of the country - has gotten out of hand and a prolonged impasse looks likely unless he recapitulates and accepts the wishes of the people.

Said Umno veteran Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah: “BN has the numbers in Parliament to hold onto the federal government without reaching out to the Opposition, but without some kind of a unity government solution, at least in the interim, the Malaysian rakyat will not have a government that can do more than hang on grimly to a deteriorating status quo.”

Ask not what your country can do for you, but what you can do for your country

Other clampdowns have followed, including a bold but again misguided purge in his own party aimed at weeding out Abdullah loyalists such as vice-president Mohd Ali Rustam. More can be expected if Najib insists on clinging to power.

But instead of helping him, the suppressions have sparked even greater public condemnation. For example, the recent suspension of Puchong MP Gobind Singh Deo for daring to question him about Altantuya served only to lower him in the esteem of the nation and create greater suspicion about his involvement with her.

Another crackdown - this time against bloggers and netizens of cyberspace for insulting the Perak Sultan - was immediately denounced by Amnesty International. “This development is a serious blow to the freedom of expression in Malaysia. For a country that claims to be on the cutting edge of communications technology, this is a very troubling step backward,” said AI director Sam Zarifi.

Nothing that Najib does seems to be right, everything is wrong. It does not take a rocket scientist to figure out why. Hard as it may be for him to accept - the people just do not want him to be their prime minister. Even though they may have known him for more than three decades.

Yes, the truth does hurt. But it is high time that he comes to terms with the fact that as far as they are concerned, he is just another Malaysian - the same as they are. Not super-born to rule just because of who his dad was, not super-empowered to bully just because his mentor was lucky enough to get away with it.

The time has indeed come for him to call it a day. That would be his best contribution to his country as it sits on the brink, and Malaysia is well and truly sitting on the very, very brink. -SuaraKeadilan

Zaid appeals to King not to appoint Najib as PM

This is the second time I have been invited to address a Rotary Club. Thank you for the honour. Given the times we live in, perhaps it might be appropriate for me to speak about the leadership transition that has been foisted upon us Malaysians.

I say ‘foisted’ because neither me nor anyone in this room had any role or say in the choice of the person who will lead Malaysia next. We were mere bystanders in a political chess game. And yet the transition is a subject of great consequence to the nation, one I would say is of great national interest.

Leadership is definitive; the individual who assumes the mantle of leadership of this nation, whomever that may be, is one who for better or worse will leave his mark on us. His will be the hand who guides us to greater success, or possibly gut-wrenching disaster.

Save for the dawn of Merdeka, never in the history of this country has the choice of prime minister been so crucial: Malaysia is in crisis. We are facing tremendous economic challenges with unavoidably harsh socio-political consequences. Our much undermined democracy is once again being assailed by those who would prefer a more autocratic form of governance.

Our public institutions are hollowed out caricatures, unable to distinguish vested party interests from national ones, unable to offer the man in the street refuge from the powerful and connected.

Our social fabric that took us from colony to an independent nation and on through the obstacles of nation building has reached a point where it sometimes feel like we are hanging on by a thread. This is the Malaysia we live in.

Abdullah should not leave at this juncture

This is the Malaysia which Abdullah Ahmad Badawi leaves behind. Our prime minister will resign later this month - an ill-fated decision. I say ill-fated not because he has been a great prime minister and we would lose irreplaceable leadership, that is regrettably not the case as all things said and done, Abdullah could have done much more for Malaysia.

Rather, I say that his resignation is ill-fated because his departure will expose the country to forces which may take us down the road of perdition faster than ever. Much has been said of Pak Lah being a weak leader. However, what his critics have not adequately addressed are the consequences of replacing him as prime minister with the anticipated incoming president of Umno, Najib Abdul Razak.

It is an undeniable truth that the average Malaysian is anxious about the anticipated transition. Many would prefer it did not happen.

There are two reasons why this is so. The first has to do with the reasoning underlying Umno’s demand for the transition itself. The second has to do with Najib personally.

We must recall that after the 2008 general election - a great success for the nation but a fiasco for Umno - one of the chief complaints by the powers-that-be within Umno was that Abdullah’s feeble leadership led to the concept of Ketuanan Melayu being challenged and ultimately undermined.

His critics also lashed out at him for the latitude given to civil society, a move which they believed weakened a key aspect of Umno’s political leverage. It followed in Umno’s mind that in order to regain lost ground, it was necessary to reassert its ideology with greater strength.

There was nostalgia for Mahathir’s heavy-handed style of leadership and a return to the times when the party cowed many into subservience and submission.The conservatives in Umno yearned for a return to Mahathirism, hoping that it would become a cornerstone of the leadership transition plan. There has been much speculation and punditry on whether a return to the Mahathir era would be good for Malaysia.

PM must have confidence of rakyat, does Najib?

Let me offer some of my own insight to this debate. The major difference between then and now is this: in most instances, Mahathir was harsh and dictatorial if he believed it was good for the country. But an authoritarian style of government under anyone else would be dictated by the need for self preservation and very little about the country’s interest.

The evidence is all around us. After March 8, (2008) when the prime minister ceased being the home minister, the threats of reprisal have escalated and a climate of fear re-cultivated. The detention of Raja Petra Kamarudin, Teresa Kok and Tan Hoong Cheng exemplify this turn for the worse, this appetite to use the sledgehammer.

The shameful power grab in Perak and wanton disregard for public opinion over how BN wrested control of the silver state make many people shudder at the prospect of a return to the dark days. If that was not depressing enough, we have had to bear witness to the police and the newly-minted Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC) displaying their allegiance and support to the BN when all we needed and craved for were honest brokers.

It stands to reason that in the mind of the average Malaysian, having suffered a significant loss last March, Umno is on a rampage to regain what it lost by any method available and the man who is expected to lead it to victory is the man who succeeds Abdullah: Najib Abdul Razak.

A prime minister must have the confidence of the majority of the rakyat. In order for this to be the case, his integrity must be beyond question; not only must he be such a person character, he must be seen to be such a person. The office of prime minister is one of great trust, he who holds that office cradles the nation in his palms.

For this to be the case, there cannot be anything in the mind of the greater public that, correctly or otherwise, associates him with matters of criminality, wrongful action, improper conduct or abuses of power. In short, he must be beyond reproach in his dealings both official and private.

Without intending any accusation, it is regrettable that in the collective mind of the rakyat, Najib is not such a person. If a referendum were to be conducted on the subject or if the prime minister was to be elected directly by the rakyat, I do not think Najib would succeed. The reason for this is obvious: the rakyat has doubts, fuelled by the unanswered allegations against him and his unwillingness to confront these allegations.

It is not a mere trifle in the minds of the rakyat that despite a direct challenge from a member of parliament in the august House recently, the deputy prime minister remained silent, not even denying the implicit accusation made against him and demanding that it be repeated outside the chamber in the tried and tested method of refutation employed by parliamentarians throughout the world.

It has not assisted the cause of the incoming prime minister that the MP concerned was suspended for a year on a motion tabled by a fellow minister without the member having been afforded an opportunity to defend his position.

Allegations are over serious crimes and must be explained

Consider this. Commissions were paid to an agent for the procurement of submarines through the Defence Ministry, Najib (then) being the defence minister. It is unthinkable that he had no knowledge that the agent was his adviser and aide, Abdul Razak Baginda. The commission paid out was exceedingly large, in excess of RM400 million.

The defence minister was duty-bound to direct enquiries to see if there had been any impropriety in the way the contracts were awarded when news of the commission surfaced; after all the price of the submarines would be considerably lower without the need for such commissions.

Taxpayers, you and I, have paid for those submarines at a price that in all probability factored in the commission. Taxpayers are yet to be told of an inquiry let alone the result of such an inquiry.
Consider the Altantuya Shaariibuu affair. A young woman was brutally murdered, her corpse destroyed by explosives.

These explosives are not the usual type of explosives, yet no inquiry was held to determine how they were available to these killers. Those accused of her murder are police officers serving in the Unit Tindakan Khas, a highly specialised unit who amongst other things serve as bodyguards to the prime minister and the deputy prime minister.

Amidst evidence that the accused were employed to protect the PM and the DPM, they were directed to (Abdul) Razak Baginda through the aide of the deputy prime minister. Amongst other things, we have heard of the senior investigating officer admitting that the deputy prime minister was an important witness and yet no statement was taken.

It is not unreasonable to think that this is irregular, more so when evidence of SMS text-messages from the deputy prime minister concerning material matters have surfaced. The text-messages cannot be ignored, proverbially swept under the carpet.

Even if they do not establish - or are not capable of establishing - any culpability on the part of Najib, these issues must be addressed.

The air must be cleared, it is thick with accusations and doubts which can only undermine the office of the prime minister if he were to assume it. The deputy prime minister’s cause has not been aided by the fact that charges were preferred against (Abdul) Razak Baginda only after public outcry, the manner in which the prosecution was conducted and the decision of the High Court acquitting Abdul Razak Baginda not having been appealed.

Perak coup is a clear signal of megalomania

The Perak affair was an unmitigated disaster for the nation. It is no secret that Najib led the charge there and is still overseeing matters.

In the minds of Malaysians, Perak is synonymous with the deputy prime minister. They now equate him with the high-handed tactics that were employed to seize power, tactics that included the disappearances of the three crucial assemblypersons and the blockading of the legislative assembly by the police.

In doing so, they equate the DPM with the hijacking of democracy, the only persons saying otherwise being those persons who have associations with Umno. In their minds, no responsible leader would allow for the undermining of the institutions of state and the constitution of this nation.

They ask, rightly so, whether this is the kind of leadership that Malaysians can expect from Najib when he becomes the prime minister.

With all of this, and more, how are we not to feel anxious? How are we to sleep peacefully at night? I know that I cannot. The situation is desperate and the air is pregnant with tension. We need the state of affairs to be resolved in a way that is in the best interests of the nation and the rakyat.

To an extent, this is a matter for the Barisan Nasional. I urge its members to put politics aside and think things through. We all want a better future, a safer and more prosperous life for our children, all of them, a Malaysia where our children can reach for the stars with the certainty that there is nothing to stop them from being the Malaysians they want to be.

The King must protect his people

I do not believe that the Barisan Nasional will do what is necessary. Politics has a tendency of making those who embrace it cynical. The answer lies elsewhere, with His Majesty the Yang di-Pertuan Agong.

In this case, His Majesty plays the role of ‘kingmaker’. The discretion to appoint the prime minister who succeeds Abdullah lies with His Majesty. Though His Majesty is required under the constitution to appoint the person who commands the confidence of the majority of the members of parliament, it is a matter for His Majesty’s judgment.

Never before has such a heavy burden being laid on His Majesty to make a brave and correct choice.

For King and country, I urge His Majesty to take into consideration the prerequisites to appointment and the concerns of the rakyat. There is no constitutional obligation on His Majesty to appoint the president of Umno as the prime minister. There are still well qualified members of parliament from Umno who can be appointed PM to bring us back from the brink.

Malaysia needs someone who the rakyat can throw their weight behind without reservation. Someone they can trust and respect. Someone who has no scandal to distract him and thereby gain respect from the international community.

These are difficult times and be prepared for worst times to visit us. Malaysia needs a leader who will unite the country in the face of the adversity. Divided, we are weak. I am loath to say it, but for the reasons I have set out am compelled to say that Najib will most certainly divide us and in doing so, will nudge us closer to the edge.

Some of you may say that all efforts to promote the national interest are at this stage an exercise in futility. If truth be told, I am tempted to slip into cynical hopelessness too. I am fighting the temptation to give up for one simple reason: Malaysia and all that it represents. This is a blessed country, a country too valuable for us to turn our backs on. -SuaraKeadilan